EH5C 




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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



011 898 337 3 



Hollinger 

pH8.5 

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SECOND EDITION. 



DEMOCRACY 

VERSUS 

KNOW-NOTHINGISM 

AND 

REPULICANISM. 

LETTER FROM 

DUNNE, 

TO 

_ JONES & GIVEN. 



Entered according to the Act of Congress, in the year 1858, by 
Henry G. D-ttline, in the clerk's office ot the district court of thf 
United States in and for the eastern district of Pennsylvania. 



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Philadelphia, August 18, 1868. 



JOHN H. JONES, & JOHN GIVEN, Esqrs. 

24th ward, PHILADELPHIA. 
GrENTLEMEN.-^ 

The courtesy extended me by you whilst in conversation 
on politics a few evenings past, induces the hope you will pardon 
my present intrusion, whilst I recur to the subject, and place 
before you in as concise a luanner as possible, my present 
political position, and as I hope such will be in a few brief months, 
In doing so I shall endeavor to keep myself within due limits, 
and if perchance any expression of mine may appear harsh or 
insulting, I hope you will believe me when I before-hand assure 
you that such is not intentional. Premising thus, I will remind 
you of having been informed by you, of one being connected with 
that class of politicians known as "Republicans" commonly called 
" Black Republicans," and the other to the political organization 
known as "Americans," but better known under the soubriquet 
of " Know Nothings." It was evident to to me that although 
not agreeing yourselves in political opinions, yet both seemed 
desirous I should not when the proper period arrived connect myself 
with that political party, to which both on principles I presume are 
opposed and which is known as the "Loco Foco," or Democratic." 
I shall in the first place take up the Republican party and state 
my objections to its principles, secondly, my objections to the so 
called '■'■American,^'' and lastly, give my reasons for adhesion to the 
Democratic. But before going into parties you will allow me to 
remind you of my not being yet an American Citizen, but having 
declared my intention, hope soon to claim that proud title. Whilst 
living under Monarchical institutions, I felt their grinding oppres- 
sion as one of the masses, and knew through sad experience that 
the government was carried on not for the benefit of the people, 
but for a class forming in itself a vast minority of the nation. 
That this favored class, having all power, such was invariably 
used for its own benefit and aggrandizement, and to the debasement 
and degradation of the majority. Those are jDatent facts, which 
require no further confirmation than the amount of immigration 
to those shores from the monarchical countries of the old world; of 
men who hope to find here a resting place and refuge from dire 
wrong, unmerited suffering, and down-right tyranny, here at least 
we fondly hoped we might have peace, and here also, where alone 
on earth liberty had been proclaimed we expected to taste its sweets 
in security, and give iii return for the great and incomprehensible 
boon, our industry, energies, talents, and if necessary our lives, 



to maintain tlie gift banded down by tbe Immortal Fathers of tbe 
Kepublic, and wbicb bas undergone an ordeal of tbree-fourtbs of a 
century and transmit same to future generations pxirc and 
intact. We left bebind all man bolds dear, parents, cbildren, 
friends witb -wbom our cbildhood bours were spent in play, our 
fathers graves, and all the tics which bind the human heart to the 
soil wbere its first pulsations throbbed, tbe old associations tbat 
like fairy visions bound us to tbe homes of our fathers, wbich 
in day dreams recalled us back tbousands of years to dwell on 
tbeir migbt, tbeir glory and tbt;ir power, until tbe vision fleeing 
"we found we were tbe serfs of otbcrs no better than ourselves, save 
in tbe power tbcy possessed of keeping tbeir iron beels on our bent 
necks. Unable to upset tbe tyranny we fled from, wc gladly avail- 
ed ourselves of the goodness of the jJmericnn Co7isi it ut ion, ■^■hich. 
by implication prouiises a borne to all wbo may come to swell tbe 
ranks of tbe enemies of monarcbical tyranny, all wbo come to culti- 
vate and improve tbe soil, and by talent and energy belp to raise tbe 
United States still higher and forward tbeir marcli to fiirtber great- 
ness. Impressed with such feelings, I swore allegiance to the 
United States, and shall maintain it. Having thus given you some 
of the motives which induced me to emigrate, and having carried 
out so far as lay in my power the duties appertaining to my present 
political position, having for nearly five years carefully studied the 
constitution, its working, tlie laws so far as capable, I patiently 
await the hour when 1 can say to myself, / afn a Sovereign amongst 
Sovereigns, I bold a higher title than the proudest aristocrat on 
earth, that of an American Citizen ;. when tbat time arrives I shall 
act my part as such, and this brings me to tbe consideration of the 
principles of the three parties at present found in American politics. 
First then, as to those calling themselves llepublicans, let me 
call your attention to their jdutform, or in other words, to the ex- 
position of their political doctrines I find them arrayed against 
ihe south on the ijuestion of slavery, secondly, they are favorable 
to a high protective Tariff, thirdly, they are committed to 
intolerance, whereas they declare by a resolution as pro- 
posed by an Hon. Ex. Judge at a convention held at IJarrisburg, 
in tliis state, tbat all parties who could not give up allegiance 
Spiritual and Temporal to foreign powers should not have the 
privileges of American Citizens, and fourthly, their doctrines tend 
to the dismemberment of the general confederation, and conse((uent 
destruction of Kcpublican liberty. Jjiit us take those charges con- 
secutively and see if I am justified in ojiposing the party. \\'hen the 
American colonies rebelled against f'ngland, each colony was slave 
holding in itself, and continued so for years after the declaration 
and acknowledgment of their independence. Slave-holding was 



But begotten of America, it was introduced by England ; under her 
rule became a vested right and so continues. The Northern states 
in closer proximity to Europe, received the first glut of its super- 
abundant ])opulation, the climate approximated more to that of 
Europe, consequently more salubrious for the newly arrived emi- 
grant, those emigrants being chiefly of the working classes, gradu- 
ally displaced the negro, and fortunately for the Northern statea 
took his place. It became the interest of the proprietors to dis- 
pense witli the unwieldy black,and sell their unreclaimed land to the 
new comers of their own color, thereby realising for themselves and 
posferift/, handsome competency, aj[Jh/e7ice and comfort, whilst at 
the siuiie time, such introduced a new population, laborious and 
enenrelic, that in a short time converted the swamps into arable 
laad, the dense forests into thriving marts of trade and manu- 
facture, and the fi'ihing hamlets into magnificent cities, teeming 
with lije, industry, and commerce. Thus it was the interest in 
slaves ceased in the Northern states, where slavery would still ex- 
ist had the necessity for it continued. Let us now look South, 
there we find a clime fatal almost to Europeans, with land produc- 
tive of articles essentially necessary for man's comfort and use, 
which for the above reason must remain unproductive, unless a 
people can be found on whom the climate will not act so destruc- 
tively, such are there, was there before the declaration of indepen • 
dence, and are likely to continue, so long as the necessity exists, 
those are negroes and slaves, who alone can work the soil. Now 
slavery as a necessity exists in the southern states, which have rights 
guaranteed by the constitution, add to which we must not forget the 
fact of e ich state being sovereign and independent in itself. 
Slavery ceased in the north when the interests of its people no lon- 
ger required it ; the South made no objection to the action of the 
North in mxnumitting their slaves, and now demand no more than 
to be allowed to manage their own affiiirs without the impertinent 
intermedling of the north. Although anxious for the emancipa- 
tion of the entire human race, I am nut fool enough to fancy that 
Kussia, Turkey and other European countries are now fit to 
receive republican institutions, although for centuries goverened by 
a system of laws, and mixing with the world ; much less do I believe 
the southern negro prepared to receive liberty, being as he is, 
uneducated and knowing no law, save his owner's will. But let 
us suppose all the slaves are to be emancipated to morrow, may 
I ask what is to be done with them? Where shall they locate? 
Into what white family will they intermarry? Or into what church 
can they enter to worship the God of all? Look at the condition 
of the free blacks around us, and ask yourselves what they have 
gained by freedom ? You must answer with me that in the vast 



majority of cases, tlioy have gained nothing, save the liberty of 
becoming more degraded than they were previously. It seems 
strange however to me, that any political party can for very shame 
clamor for the emancipation and full citizenship of the black, 
whilst they refuse same to men of their own color, merely 
because they worship Grod under a different form from the majority 
of the party. Before closing this portion of my subject, allow 
me to ask, have we not white slaves around us on whom we 
might beneficially extend our superabundant philanthropy ? 
Look to your apprenticeship S3^stem, &c., 

I now take up my second objection, viz : a Tariff. The popu- 
lation of the Union amounts to some twenty-eight millions, eight 
of whom are engaired in trade &c,, the balance of twenty millions 
in agriculture. It is known to you that all men wish to sell in the 
dearest and purchase in the cheapest markets, tlie majority of the 
American people are no exception to this rule, and on the principle 
of common justice how can you ask for a law that would compel 
me to pass a cheap and purchase an article in a dearer market. 
Taking this view of a Tariff" it is unjust to begin with, let us take 
another : Suppose a duty of fifty per cent imposed to-morrow on 
all goods of foreign manufacture, how long would such continue 
before it would require ten navies like that of the United States, 
to prevent snmggling along your extensive seaboard. I am of 
opinion the duties receiveable would not pay the expense, as you 
would offer a premium for smuggling, destroy the honest trader, and 
bring not alone the Tariff law, but all laws into disrespect. 
Again, does not the product of America find a market in other 
countries ? Must it not be paid for ? You have a Tariff', and does 
not its action compel the American producer to pay higher rates 
for manufactured goods, whilst other countries acting on the de- 
fensive, impose a Tariff on American products thereby robbing the 
American agriculturist of a free market and higher prices '? How 
like a two-edged sword a Tariff cuts the majority of the citizens 
of those states. Again, under a Tariff the manufacturer proceeds 
to bank to procure cash, and finds, because Government has given 
him a bonus of fifty per cent on his goods, that 3Icssrs. note shavers 
suddenly discover money has become exceedingly scarce, so much 
so, that rates run eiglit or ten j)er cent higlier tlian they otherwise 
would, but you know that is nothing to parties who already pocket 
fifty per cent, premium on goods. Let us even look at it in this 
light, England manufactures largely and exports to this country 
large (juantities of goods, yet she has to come here for her raw 
material, carry it across four thousand miles of Ocean, pay dock 
dues, commission, insurance, freight, SiC, Arc, both on this and 
on the other side of the Atlantic, carry it iuland at considerable ex- 



pense, send it manufactured here, paying similar expenses, together 
with present Tariff, run risk of bad debts, &.G., and after all this, 
must I to be told that the manufacturer here, who has the raw 
material on the spot, as well as a market for his goods at the 
door, and who avoids all the expenses above enumerated, cannot 
compete with the foreigner. Gentlemen this is too large a pill for 
me to swallow, I leave it for protectionists. — I might produce other 
arguments against a Tariff, but will proceed to my third objection, 
viz : — The exclusion from citizenship on account of religion. 

One of the most glorious principles of the American Constitution 
is, " That religion shall be free, that religion shall never be con- 
nected with the state, or in other words, that man may worship God 
according to the dictates of his conscience. This is religious libertj\ 
Any measure to the contrary is intolerance and religious persecution. 
Commit an act against this principle and we at ouce break the Con- 
stitution, set it at nought and act the tyrant Now according to 
the resolution of the Republican Platform, that party has 
been guilty of this great heresy against the constitution, for therein 
it is declared, " Tliat no person who cannot give up allegiance, 
spiritual and temporal to foreign powers, should hold citizenship in 
those States." Now gentlemen. Allegiance is two-fold, one 
spiritual and the other temporal ; the former, that due by man's 
conscience to his God, the latter, that due to the Constitution under 
which he lives, and on which laws are framed, and society exists. In 
the former case, the Constitution says; — conscience, that is spiritual 
allegiance shall be free, but the liejiublican party says "no"' 
The man whose conscience is not like ours, shall not enjoy citizen- 
ship or have the same political privileges we possess. The Mussel- 
man, follower of Mahomet, the Chinaman, follower of Bhudda, 
the Jew, follower of the Mosaic dispensation, and last though not 
least, the Catholic, follower of the Saviour of man, would be by 
this resolution excluded from the privilege of American citizen- 
ship. Now is this religious liberty, or is it persecution ? If re- 
ligious liberty, I know not the meaning of the phrase ; if not 
religious persecution, I know not what it is ; if not a declaration 
against religious freedom as laid down by the constitution, I for 
one shall be glad to learn. Allow me to ask, what either one of u>: 
know about Mahomedan, Bhadhist, or Jewish rites, that would 
justify us in any attempt to deprive the followers of those creeds of 
their rights as American citizens ? If we have no right to do so, 
(as we have not,) in those cases, how much less have we in the 
case of Catholics, who are not alone acknowledged by the chris- 
tian government under which we live, as being christians, but as 
being the oldest and most numerous of the Churches, into which 
Christianity is split ? Can we not see that this resolution although 



6 

including the peoples above enumerated, is aimed exclusively against 
Catholics ? And that too, in the face of the liberty allowed other 
sects, in what are called the despotic catholic countries of Europe. 
France, Austria, Belgium, all catholic, not alone allows freedom of 
conscience but actually pays the stipends of non-conforming ministers. 
This seems to me to be more in accordance with the spirit of 
Religious liberty than the resolutions of the Republican 
platform ; but suppose such was not the case, but that France, 
Austria, and Belgium, excluded altogether the professors of all 
religions save the Catholic, and would not allow citizenship to 
any who did not profess Catholicism ; in what worse position would 
they be than the Republican party under their present platform ? 
Nothing. How much beneath those Monarchical rulers the Republi- 
can party appear, who attempt pursuing the very course they con- 
demn European Catholic Governments for, and that too, without a 
shadow of foundation for the charges continually made against 
them of being intolerent in matters of religion. Although a di- 
gression I am sorry to say the only countries I know of where in- 
tolerance is law, are protestant ; for instance, Prussia, Denmark, 
Sweden, in fact, and I deeply regret to add, that in spirit the 
American and Republican parties here follow so pernicious an ex- 
ample. The fact of Catholic Belgium selecting a protestant King, 
flings to the wind the charge made by implication, by the Republi- 
can party, of all Catholics being temporal subjects of the head of 
their Church. If Catholics owe temporal'allegianee there, why is 
it, that the Pope is not Monarch of three-fourths of Europe ? 
Why does France, Spain, Portugal, Austria, Naples, Sardinia, 
Tuscany, Bohemia, Bavaria, and other Catholic countries in 
Europe maintain their own Monarcbs and governments, despite this 
so much talked of popish allegiance ? The answer is plain, because 
the people of those countries owe his Holiness no temporal allegi- 
ance ; acknowledging him head of their Church, they look upon him 
as being its chief magistrate, and willingly concede him the respect 
due his high and holy office, lie cannot order the Armies of France 
to march, neither can he prevent the Austrian from occasion- 
ally taking possession of sf)iiie of his own small i)atriinony; away then 
with the folly of charging Catholics with being the temporal snb- 
iects of the Pope, a charge, the falsity of which none know better, 
than the concoctors of the resolutions of the l{epublic:ui jjlatform. 
As I may again allude to this subject when speaking of the Ameri- 
can party, I shall proceed with my fourth objection to the Repub- 
lican, viz : " That it tends to the dismeiubornicnt of the general 
(Confederation and consequent destruction of Republican liberty." 
There is but one nation under heaven that the United States 



has any reason to fear, any cause to alarm herself about ; that 
nation is England ; a nation great in wealth, in extent, in com- 
merce, in trade, in manufactures; great in hate, in envy and deceit. 
Depending as she does for very existence on trade and commerce, 
she looks with jealous eyes on any encroachment on what she 
long considered her inalienable right, of being the only trader 
and manufacturer in the world ; she has not much to fear so long 
as she can keep up her character of being the " Mart of Nations," 
and will stop at nothing to maintain her hitherto superior name in 
this respect. Until within the last few years she would not 
allow even the model of a machine to be sent here, lest such 
might lead to the production of goods that would shut so much 
of her manufactures out of this market. Blinded by over vigi- 
lance, she allowed the artisan to escape, who on arriving here not 
only made the model but the machine itself, in such quantities th^t 
finding America could produce machinery,she allowed its exporta- 
tion. Within a few short years the young manufacturing power of 
America drove England from the South American markets, and 
so rapid was its growth, that after the Chinese war, carried on 
by England, and which opened that hitherto sealed country to 
the commerce of the world, American cottons sold easier and 
produced better prices at Hong Kong than the English. Even 
in Hindostan, England's own territory, the heavier descriptions 
of American cotton cloth took the market ; in short, New York 
and Boston, threatened to rival London, and become " Marts of 
Nations," with growing power, respect and name. Then England 
changed her tactics in regard to the United States, and sent 
over an adventurer named Thompson, at that time member of 
Parliament for one of the London Boroughs, the " Tower 
Hamlets," to set the North, her rising competitor in trade, 
against the South on the question of Negro Slavery. He sowed 
bitter seed, the product of which we have yet amongst us, in the 
feud existing between both sections of the Republic. Finding 
the American people on sober second thought, shed no blood on 
this question, and that the schemes of the originators of Thomp- 
son's mission failed, she flung another firebrand on those shores 
in the person of a renegade Italian Catholic Priest named Gavazzi, 
whose duties seemed to be to sow dissension between the native 
born and naturalized citizen, knowing that many thousands of the 
latter were her former subjects, now American citizens, her sworn 
foes, and bitterest enemies. We know how he and his confrere the 
self styled "Angel Gabriel" performed their parts, how in broken 
English the Italian warned the native born to beware of foreign in- 
fluence, how he was cheered, feted, applauded to the echo, whilst 
wielding the worst description of foreign influence himself, aided 



8 

by the mountebank "xingel" with tin horn and Scotch clack, a 
storm was raised that well nigh brought destruction upon the 
Republic and startled mankind by its outrages, its bigotry, and 
its fury. Thanks to the wisdom, and former sad experiences of 
the naturalized citizens who early saw through England's scheme, 
they bore all, in order to secure the confederation from the 
threatened destruction. From the beginning envious of America, 
England stopped at nothing to effect the destruction of the Union, 
nor need we hope she has ceased her efforts, for could she but 
effect a separation of the States by any means fair or foul, she 
would soon prove to that section that now competes with her in 
trade, that she could crush her without firing a shot, by merely 
entering into a commercial treaty with the South. The North 
would soon find she would have a Tariff not at all beneficial to 
nothern interests. England would soon again be the sole manu- 
facturer of the -world, we would hear no more screaming for 
negro emancipation, in fact, niggers would lose thier caste and 
become while headed boys, but remain slaves, for England's 
interests would require their labor, as she cannot do without 
cotton. I might go further to prove my position but find the 
subject would demand more of your time than I have a right to 
occupy. The fact stares me in the face, that separation of North 
from South, would be destructive of both, which in itself is suffi- 
oient to make me an opponent of any party whose tendencies 
would in the least degree lead to such an unfortunate result. 
My oath of allegiance to the general confederation com- 
pels OPPOSITION to the party from me. 

In taking up the American platform, I do so with trepidation, 
not on account of its merits, if any — but because I will have to 
deal with a party who living under republican institutions blindly 
seek to deprive men of blessings intended by the falliers of the 
republic for all, I sliall have to deal with a party whose previ- 
ous acts prove their present and future intentions, who blind to 
the history of the past, renew its crimes, its intolerance, and \U 
hate, who forget that foreigners assisted the native born to 
achieve independence, to secure which the^' gave up home, 
country, friends; a party who forget the services of LaFayette, 
liochaiiibeau, Barr}', Montgomery, Kosciusko, Pulaski, Steuben, 
and DeKalb, and wlio would deprive the fellows of those, 
illustrious men of the privileges of American citizensliip. 
A party who hold the absurd doctrine that an immigrant should 
reside twenty-one years in the States before he could become a 
citizen. In niy poor opinion men who have studied in that best 
of schools, "experience" do know something of tlic governments 
under which they previously lived, as well as that of the country 



to which they emigrated, and I firmly believe such knowledge 
adds strength to their republicanism, and gives zest to their hate 
of kingly rule. Banned by this party at the very threshold of 
the Constitution, how could I give it adhesion, when its members 
tell me to my face I am not as good as they, or fit to have simi- 
lar privileges. Let us see what such political doctrines would 
lead to. One of the charges brought by the Continental Con- 
gress against George the Third was, that he prevented immigra- 
tion to the then colonies. The constitution declares religion shall 
be free, but this party like the Republican, but more openly, 
declares no — all religions shall be free save the Roman Catholic. 
Think you Charles Carroll of Carrolton himself a Roman Catholic, 
would have staked his life, his property, and his sacred honor to 
support such an unrepublican doctrine as this ; no ! assuredly not ; 
neither would the illustrious Henry, or Franklin ; yet here is a 
party sprung up three-quarters of a century after those illustrious 
men have passed away, who by their acts proclaim the fact that if 
alivo at the time of the revolution, they would have supported Eng- 
land in prohibiting emigration, and in her intolerance in matters 
of religion,it would be strange indeed if any naturalize d citizen could 
support such political doctrines, and it seems equally strange the 
party itself does not act on its platform, by recalling the remnant of 
the Indian tribes and placing them in the position of our governors. 
Here is a party many of whom are the immediate descendants of 
immigrants, assuming the title of Americans, having not one drop 
of American blood in their veins, forgetting all, even common 
decency, spit as it were on the mothers who bore them, and de- 
nounce them as being foreigners. — Where has honor fled? 

Or under what other sun could such descendants of such parents 

be found 1 What would such descendants be now if the 

foreign parent had not emigrated to America ? Why judging by 
analogy, sunk lower in the the scale of humanity than any of the 
emigrants who have made America their home. This party bound 
together by the most solemn oaths, have pronounced against all 
foreigners, in many cases even their own fathers, and hold the 
doctrine that immigrants should have no higher rank in the 
Republic than that of slaves. In its clemency the party would 
allow the foreigner to pay taxes, fight the battles, of the country, 
hew into and cut down the forests, reclaim the waste, dig deep 
into the earth and from its teeming bowels extract the riches 
therein contained, wade to the middle in puddle and mud, day 
after day, on canals and rail-road tracks, build and work factories, 
employ and pay native born citizens, maintain the flag of the 
country on field and deck, and in every other possible way 



10 



elevate the American name. Yet in return for such services they 
must remain slaves ; whilst to carry the absurdity still further, 
their own children might be American citizens, wielding the in- 
fluence, power and might, their slaves of fathers created. Here 
is a party who would reverse the order of creation by making the 
parent the slave of the child, and who whilst denouncing slavery, 
would enslave men in many instances, superior in intellect to the 
bright luminaries who founded this most unchristian, most despo 
tical, society. I will assert nothing, I shall not at least endeavor 
to prove, and when I call this sworn confederacy unchristian, I 
prove it by its acts from Maine to Louisiana ; need I refer to the 
destruction of Churches consecrated to the service of God, in 
Maine, Mass., and other states, need 1 refer to the tarring, feather- 
ing, and riding on rails, of clergymen,whose lives are devoted to 
the service of the Redeemer, or need I point to the gutters of 
Brooklyn, Louisburg, Baltimore, and New Orleans, running deep 
with the blood of men shed in fiendish hate, by this more than 
fiendish society. If such things have occured when this party 
has little or no power ? What atrocities might we not expect to 
witness if all power was in its hands ? We are told by this party 
that foreigners could not be trusted, that forsooth they are spies 
in the Bepublic, and would if they dare, be traitors. But I 
appeal to the history of the past for contradiction of this gross 
slander. France gave you Lafayette and Rochambeau, together 
with a host of men. Germany gave you Steuben and De Kalb. 
Poland gave you Ko.'-ciusko and Pulaski. Wliilst my own poor 
country gave you Montgomery and Barry, with many others 
wliose glorious deeds are unrecorded; yet out of all, during the 
Revolutionary campaign, we find no treason affixed to the name 
of any. An Irisliinan, John 13arry, first raised the "Stars and 
Stripes," and nailed them to the masthead of his small frigate. 
Another, Montgomery, sealed his fidelity to the young States 
with his blood, before the bastions of Quebec. A Scotchman, 
John Paul, "Paul Jones," carried the fiag of the Infant Republic 
across tlie Atlantic, burned Whitehaven, and spread the terrors of 
the American name tlirough the very heart of England. Lafayette 
and Steuben fought side by side with the immortal Washington. 
Yet, notwithstanding olTers of place, of honor, of nobility, made 
to many of them Ijy England, they still preserved their allegi- 
ance to the Re|)ublics, preferring honor and truth to gain. No. 
We nmst look elsewhere for traitors during this period. Ne d 
I nnMilion one whose accursed treason had well nigh sold the life 
of the young States, and sunk his own name in eternal infamy. 
Wiio tliat reads the history of the Revolution, can jieruse that 
page whereon Arnold's treason is recorded, without feeling his 



11 

blood boil at the baseness of the wretch; and what foreigner, 
here or elsewhere, is there that does not exult in the knowledge 
that treason was not found — had no existence amongst the many 
foreigners who fought and died for American liberty? Coming 
down to the war of 1812, we find the immediate descendant of 
an Irish emigrant, the illustrious Jackson, crushing the might of 
England; dragging her pirate flag through the puddle of the 
Mississippi; and driving her hoard of licensed cutthroats from 
before the cotton ramparts of New Orleans, wliilst at the 
same time, a nest of native traitors were sitting in convention at 
Hartford, Connecticut, using every means in their power to thwart 
his plans, deprive him of his means, and assist the ancient enemy. 
Where lay treason in this case ? During the late war in Mexico, 
what foreigner betrayed the cause of America, or turned his 
back on the "Stars and Stripes?" What field was won there 
that was not drenched with Irish, German and other foreign 
blood; which, mingling with the native born, tracked the road 
from Vera Cruz to the halls of the Montezumas? Yet for all 
this the American party shoot them down, vilify and abuse, 
would, if they could, make slaves of themselves and friends on 

on the charge of being foreigners. Oh, the baseness 

of such ingratitude! In return for such services we receive 
stripes, the bullet, the knife, the torch of the incendiary, the . 
law's rigor, scurrilous, malignant, slanderous abuse, ruined 
shrines, overturned altars, desecrated churches, ministers of 
of religion tarred and feathered, our children called sons of 

, and all for daring to be truly republican and mainta- 

ning the dignity of the states. I appeal to the testimony of 
General Scott, a testimony no man will dare contravene; who 
declared, after his experience of Irish soldiers during the late 
war with Mexico, " that they were never known to turn backs 
on friend or foe.'' What honorable citizen can hold the abomi- 
nable opinion of foreigners, that is held by this so called 
American party, after such declaration in their favor by the 
greatest soldier of his age? Xot one. We find only those who 
are wilfully blind to facts, or who cover their ignorance under 
the dark and gloomy cloak of religious bigotry or national hate. 
Some roaring politicians, whose god is office, whose amlition its 
spoils; to secure which they would not alone sacrifice the 
foreigner, but the poor dupes through whose efforts they secured 
place. Men dead alike to shame, to truth, to honor. An appeal 
to history proves, that in the British Parliament, despite kingly 
and aristocratic power, the few Irishmen who, at the period of 
the American Revolution, had seats in the House of Commons, 
vielded the power of their mighty eloquence on behalf of the 



12 

Btruggling colonists, and demanded for them justice. Need I 
meution the eminent services of Edmund Burke, of Sheiidan, of 
the silver-tongued Tierney: whilst Fitzpatrick proclaimed the 
right of the colonists to rule themselves. Who can forget the 
refusal of the Irish Parliament to supply King George with 
troops to fight against the American peo))le ? As if in acknow- 
ledgment of these services, Congress in 1115, thus addresses the 
Irish people: — "Permit us to assure you, that it was with the 
utmost reluctance we could prevail upon ourselves to cease our 
commercial connection with your Island. Your Parliament had 
done us no wrong. You had ever been friendly to the rights of 
mankind; and we acknowledge with pleasure and with gratitude, 
that your nation has produced patriots who have nobly distin- 
gushed themselves in the cause of humanity and of America." 
Oh glorious testimony to truth and justice! Alas! how changed 
the time. We have now a party, who from sheer bigotry rest 
in ignorance of past services; who try to ignore or forget them. 
Who, having no niggers to whip, vent their venom on the 
descendants of nicn, whose services drew from the immortal 
fathers of the republic the above (pioted glorious acknow- 
ledgment. 

For connecting myself with the Democratic party, I refer 
to my objections as laid down, to the Republican and so-called 
American principles, and because the Democratic party, acting on 
true American principles, has heretofore opened its arms for, and 
continues to receive all who fly from oppression; because it gives 
the foreigner a return for his services by taking him into the house- 
hold of citizenship ; because under this party America has risen 
to might and power, her name a terror to tyrants, the hope of the 
oppressed, the home of freedom ; because it does not trench on 
rights guaranteed by the Constitution, but guards such with 
vigilance, and repels attacks upon them with energy ; because it 
allows men to worship God according to the dictates of conscience ; 
•without which, civil liberty is a sham ; and because in the spirit of 
the Constitution, it declares and acts on the principles that, "all 
men are cfjual." 

I have the honor to be Gentlemen, 
With groat respect," 

Your obedient servant, 

HENRY C. DUNNE. 



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